New
comprehensive education policy for India is on the anvil for the first time
since 1986 (It was second one, first one was in 1968). The 484-page draft NEP
report has been prepared by a committee led by eminent scientist K A
Kasturirangan. On May 31, HRD ministry
shared it with public for comments. Last date for submitting suggestions
regarding new draft education policy is July 1, 2019.
Although the report deals with all aspects of school
education, higher education and professional education, greater emphasis is
given to school education. Further even in school system, early childhood
education, which has been more or less totally neglected so far, is given the
highest priority. This is influenced by the fact that over 85% of cumulative
brain development occurs prior to the age of six and early childhood education
is relevant for the 85 % of student population.
It
is well known that India’s education system is plagued by a number of problems
and shortcomings such as huge dropout rates, shortage in the number of
teachers, incompetent curriculum and so on. The “learning crisis” is very deep.
The education system, in both public and private domain, has been deteriorating
rapidly and has affected the quality of our human resources. If this trend is
not reversed, the dysfunctional system will become more and more expensive
(cause of poverty for family instead enabler of prosperity) and will not deliver the goods. Reversal of trend
requires a huge commitment and conviction to make it happen.
The draft NEP acknowledges it and calls it a “severe
learning crisis” in India, where children in primary school fail to attain
basic math and reading skills. Two goals have been made to remedy this. Firstly, high-quality early childhood care and
education will be provided for all children between the ages of three and six
by 2025 ( making it part of education department and RTE act). This will be
done within schools and anganwadis, which will take care of the overall
well-being of the child, be it nutritional, health, or education. Secondly,
every student will get foundational literacy by 2025 to address the issue of
students not being able to read, write and do elementary math.
The policy recommends community and volunteer
participation in collaboration with schools to overcome the current crisis.
Schools generally work in isolation from the community they serve. Not making
parents and the larger community partners in the child’s learning process
aggravates the learning crisis, at least in the early years. To remedy, it makes
a rather bizarre proposal that parents become de-facto regulators of private
schools instead of the state. But Poor and neo-literate parents cannot be
expected to hold the onus of ensuring that much morepowerful
and resourced schools comply with quality, safety and equity norms.
In this regard I recollect that,
approximately 3 years back, Allahabad High Court had given a ruling that was
historic. Ruling was all wards (son and daughters) of Government Servants,
Judges and Elected Members must study only in government schools. Those who do
not obey this order will have to deposit money with the govt. equivalent to
fees paid in private school. Order was to be implemented by next session. The
ruling came while disposing a petition,
which drew attention to poor conditions of Govt. schools in terms of
infrastructure and lack of teachers in UP and asked courts direction to improve
the same. Court observed that previous directions have failed to improve the
situation and felt that unless the wards of the authorities who are responsible
for improvement go to these schools, situation will not improve. Such direction
could not be implemented but they rightly point out the basic lacuna in our
public education delivery system (extended to health and transport sector etc).
Unfortunately, India in terms of
services, has virtually divided in 2 -3 parts. Affluent and people with
influence have developed all these services (world class/ affordable) for
themselves outside the government network. Slowly-slowly over the years,
especially after liberalization of 1991, government services in any area be it
in education, health, transport or any other area came to be identified as work
and duty of welfare state directed towards poor. They were/are provided below
cost also. So to reduce burden, people who could afford were kept out. This has
generated vicious circle. Govt. services for poor and so of poor quality. This
must be reversed but draft policy is silent about it. The fact that India has the world’s most differentiated school system
with at least nine types of schools (from the low-end Ashramshala to the
expensive and exclusive international schools) that align with varied
socio-economic classes and which defies any attempt to make education a leveler
for a deeply hierarchical society is not addressed. Basically, we need
to change (feudal) mind set of division of Ruler and Ruled. And this is not a
Problem of UP, nor restricted to primary education only. Once this is changed
and only through this situation can improve and not by HC directive.
Unfortunately, the policy specifically promotes
private schools, yet there is scarce evidence worldwide to suggest that private
schools by definition deliver better quality, let alone, equitable education.
Private schools often appear to do better because they enroll children from
relatively advantaged backgrounds who can afford to pay and not because they
deliver better quality of education. Recentresearch
from India suggests that the gender gap in private enrolment is on the rise,
even as it is reducing in government schools. The policy could have instead
reiterated the need for extension of the public school network to address the
hitherto unreached populations in remote areas and urban slums where low fees
private schools flourish. It could have also more holistically addressed the
aspirations of India’s middle class within a strengthened public education
system. Data for countries relatively richer than India shows that systems with
low levels of competition have higher social inclusion and that upward social
mobility is higher in government systems.
While 1986 education policy standardized school education with its push
for a uniform 10+2 structure, the 2018 draft pitches for reconfiguration to a
“5+3+3+4” ( globally accepted) design,
which recognizes different stages of development of cognitive abilities in
children. This corresponds to the age groups 3-8 years (foundational stage),
8-11 (preparatory stage), 11-14 (middle stage), and 14-18 (secondary stage). It
adds that the choice among science, arts and commerce should be delayed so that
it is based on a student’s experience and interests and not dictated by parents
and society. It is at the High School stage where there is complete
transformation recommended. In future
Board examinations will allow students to sit for the examination twice in any
given school year and “Eventually, multiple attempts for Board examinations
would be allowed”, with modular approach and semester system. With the
elimination of public examinations, it will be the end of coaching
schools. All schools will be accredited as per the School Quality
Assessment and Accreditation Framework.
Calling to
transit the higher education system into ‘world-class’ levels, the report makes
the simplistic and deeply problematic (given the mass of educated unemployed
and trends in new industrial and work systems) call to increase gross enrolment
rates of higher education to 50% of the population by 2035. Why we do have
passion for degree when we know we cannot employ them. Presently, against the
requirement of 1-1.5 lacs engineering graduates we are producing app. 14 lacs
engineering graduates. Further, when we talk about quality, and general public
is apprehensive about it due to reservation by caste, nobody is talking dilution
of quality due to management quota system etc. Draft National Education Policy moots all-India
entrance tests for UG courses in public colleges. Recommended system seems to have some similarities to the SAT,
standardized aptitudes test widely used for admissions to colleges and
universities in the United States. The SAT, however, is used as a criterion
alongside school grades.
Theoretically, higher education is where new
knowledge is produced through research and the raw material for curricular
renewal and teacher preparation is generated.Currently our
universities take no interest in elementary or secondary education except
bemoan their quality. Similarly, elementary level teachers do not feel
responsible to equip children with secondary level. The same is true in
relation to secondary and college level. Every part of education system is
working in isolation or vacuum, does not feel that it is part of whole education
system and education system does not feel it is part of society.
Our
education system has catered to need of other. In short it is an export
industry. (That is why sadly it is
disappointing that agriculture education received short-shrift in NEP
indicating the lack of imaginaries to see the key role that India’s diverse
agricultural systems can play and the possibilities that lie in fostering new
forms of rural-urban and agriculture-industry linkages.) In an inequitable and
diverse country such as our social needs differ from region to region. By
aggregating ourselves as nation, we lose both sight and grip of the problem our
system of education faces: namely it is indifference to the milieu. At every
level we notice how educating geared to export of talent is, from village to
towns, from provincial towns to metro cities and from metro to overseas.
Graduate person do not wish to settle in village and do farming. Our IITans go
abroad; our medicos not ready to serve villages and so on. Seed of such problem was sown quite early after
independence, when in every sector (in absence of private sector) and in
neglect of need of poor, govt. gave priority to Higher education (IIT etc), Best
Health services (AIMS) and so on overlooking primary education, primary health
center and so on. Result is everyone to see, we are a nation having succeeded
in sending Mangalyan in first attempt, but we are also a nation with highest
number of hungry people in world and there rate of decrease is far less than in
other nation. Learning
has little meaning if it does not create sense of engagement with milieu.
Unfortunately NEP does not address this problem. Further in the name of
standardization, there are many provisions in NEP which will make this problem
more acute and we cannot justify it by saying it promotes mobility and economic
progress.
While the draft recommends
continuance of the three-language formula, it has proposed flexibility in the
choice of languages, as long as students can show proficiency in any three
languages. However, when English is a pan-Indian language, why should it not be
recognized as a national language of India and its teaching expanded by making
it the medium of instruction for more subjects in government schools? Policy endorses the idea
that English (just another subject while the medium of instruction will be the
language of each state). Why this difference of medium for govt and private
schools. Andhra Pradesh chief minister Jagan Mohan Reddy has already promised to
make all government schools English-medium with one compulsory subject in
Telugu. If he does that, Andhra Pradesh will be a model state. In such a
situation, why not adopt a two language policy – English and one regional
language? And teach it more rigorously to all children in the tribal areas? Why
not make all private schools also teach two languages equally – English and the
regional language of the state where the schools operate? Across
India, people in the future could then speak in English to those from
other regions while within their state; they could speak both their regional
language and English. That is what Tamil Nadu is doing.
Teacher preparation for all school stages will be
offered only in multidisciplinary universities through a four-year programme,
with the curricula and processes being revamped to address current issues with
teacher preparation. Institutions currently offering the two-year programme
will either transition to this mode or be phased out; no new two-year
programmes will be given recognition.
While the policy talks about
the need to bring “unrepresented groups" into school and focus on
educationally lagging “special education zones", it misses a critical
opportunity of addressing inequalities within the education system. It misses
to provide solutions to close the gap of access to quality education between
India’s rich and poor children. It proposes to remove the expectations that all
schools meet common minimum infrastructure and facility standards, and that
primary schools be within a stipulated distance from children’s homes.
It does
look forward-looking, but what the final draft needs to do is differentiate
between deregulation and liberalization. The incentive for the private sector
to invest, grow and stand on quality parameters needs to be clearly
articulated," What is and Why is there but missing in the NEP, as with
much policy thinking, is the critical ‘how’. Just as the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan
and RTE Act were targeted measures to address the issue of access to elementary
education, the government needs a similar approach to improve the quality of
education.
The ideas proposed are progressive, but there
could be roadblocks in their implementation relating to funding requirements
and governance architecture. The new government must priorities implementation
as much as, if not more than, developing new policies. Unless there is a vibrant movement to support the NEP, it will remain a
pipe dream, and India would have a lost another golden opportunity to usher in
a million mutinies in the education sector, as recommended by the NEP There will be no fear of one
examination deciding the destiny of a student. Going to school will be
enjoyable, and not boring like today. Students will have far more flexibility
to select courses. Rote-learning will be replaced by creative thinking. Minimum
bureaucracy,less regulation and less scope for corruption. Only honest elected
leaders will opt to become education ministers.
In order to drive the vision of the NEP and to
facilitate the efficient and holistic implementation of the NEP, a high-level body
called the Rashtriya Shiksha Aayog (National Education Commission) headed by
the Prime Minister has been proposed. This body will be responsible for
developing, articulating, implementing, evaluating and revising the vision of
education in the country on a continuous and sustained basis.
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